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jake-head-shot.jpgJake Young is a MD/PhD student at Mount Sinai School of Medicine focusing in Neuroscience. He is due to graduate in 2032. He received a BS and a MS in Biological Sciences from Stanford University -- where he spent most of his time drinking heavily and building vegetable catapults instead of learning information that would now be eminently useful. When he is not failing terrifically to perform his sworn duties, he enjoys watching bad movies, ethnic food, and running.

Pure Pedantry is a blog about science -- social sciences and otherwise -- as well as academic and scientific culture. No one can live on science alone, so I also like to dwell on pop culture, periodically explore the humanities, and indulge in other types of geeky goodness.

Jake is joined periodically by two wonderful guest bloggers: Kara Contreary and Kate Seip. See the About Page.

DISCLAIMERS: 1) Jake Young is not a licensed physician (yet). He is merely a medical student. The information published on this site is not intended for use in medical decision making. Please seek advice from a licensed, medical professional before making any health decisions. 2) The opinions expressed are my own or those of my co-bloggers. They do not represent the views of SEED magazine or the educational establishments we currently attend.

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The Wisdom of a Crowded Individuals

Category: Learning and MemoryPsychology
Posted on: June 30, 2008 1:17 PM, by Jake Young

A lot of people have read The Wisdom of Crowds by James Surowiecki. In the book, he gives an example of a group of people forced to estimate the weight of a cow. (This was actually an experiment that geneticist Franics Galton attempted.) When you do this, you find that the accuracy of the average response from the group is much greater than the accuracy of each individual estimate.

This is the so-called wisdom of crowds. The assumption with experiments like this is that each individual will make the best guess they can and this guess will be stable over time -- minus any new information acquired in the interim. However, two psychologists have discovered that this assumption isn't correct:

Until now, psychologists have assumed that when people make a guess, they make the most accurate guess that they can. Ask them to make a second and it should, by definition, be less accurate. If that were true, averaging the first and second guesses should decrease the accuracy. Yet Edward Vul at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harold Pashler at the University of California, San Diego, have revealed in a study just published in Psychological Science that the average of first and second guesses is indeed better than either guess on its own.
The two researchers asked 428 people eight questions drawn from the "CIA World Factbook": for example, "What percentage of the world's airports are in the USA?" Half the participants were unexpectedly asked to make a second, different guess immediately after they completed the initial questionnaire. The other half were asked to make a second guess three weeks later.

Dr Vul and Dr Pashler found that in both circumstances the average of the two guesses was better than either guess on its own. They also noticed that the interval between the first and second guesses determined how accurate that average was. Second guesses made immediately improved accuracy by an average of 6.5%; those made after three weeks improved the accuracy by 16%.

(The paper itself does not appear to be online yet.)

This result suggests that guesses aren't stable over time. By virtue of the additional guess, the average regresses towards the mean of the real value, and you get improved accuracy. It is almost as if the single individual is showing the same effect that groups have for improved accuracy.

I think that there are two explanations for this.

First, you could say that the participants got additional information between the first and second guess, and this improved their estimate. However, this hypothesis has difficulty explaining the improvement in accuracy from the second guess taken immediately afterwards. Maybe the authors prompting the participants to make additional guesses made them think harder about the problem improving their accuracy. It is a little difficult to tell.

Another interesting idea is that the individual guesses are drawn from a distribution. Rather than having a discrete number that you think the answer is, you have a distribution of answers from which the answer you give is drawn. This accounts better for the absence of stability in your answer, but it doesn't necessarily account for the improvement in guesses over three weeks. Perhaps the acquisition of additional information over time causes you to modify and improve your distribution rather than your answer.

It may seem a bit odd, but we see something similar to this idea of a distribution of responses in the lab working with rats. Say I train a rat to go right in a forced choice between right and left. One, the rat doesn't always go right, even if I have trained them for days and days. This is because the rat has an innate desire to forage and check out novel locations, and it is willing to forgo a reward on a given trial to do so. Therefore, it would be reasonable to say that whatever the probability a highly rat has of turning right is, it isn't 100%. Two, say I change the rewarded arm to left instead of right. What you see is a slow change in behavior between the two arms. The rat might try the left, then go back to right for a couple, then left and so on. Eventually, the rat will now go left every trial, but only after many trials.

The question when you are observing this is what generates this variation in behavior. Why doesn't the rat immediately go to the other arm all the time when the rewarded arm is changed? Does the animal have a hidden variable that represents its probability of turning right on any given trial? Does the improvement in behavior represent the change in this probability?

Other authors have suggested that we should model learning as the change in a probability of giving the right answer to increase the likelihood of receiving a reward. These methods capture the intrinsic randomness that is present in lots of animal behaviors -- you can never expect them to get it perfectly right -- and applies it to models of learning.

Maybe in human responses -- as well as animals -- what we have is a distribution of responses rather than a set response. This would mean that if you want to give the right answer on a test, you should collect multiple answers from yourself -- hopefully separated by a reasonable period of time. It sounds odd, but it just might work.

Hat-tip: Mind Hacks

Comments

Support for instant-runoff voting (IRV)?

Posted by: jope | June 30, 2008 2:37 PM

With all the caveats for introspection, I would say that once I have ventured an answer on a question, the question stays with me, and I ponder on the ways that answer might have gone wrong. The "new information" that is relevant might just be other facts already known, but not consciously connected to the original guess.

Posted by: Russell | June 30, 2008 5:27 PM

Groups, however, may not tend towards the average - rank, persuasion, other social forces may skew the groups final guesstimate

Posted by: Phil MD | July 1, 2008 10:54 AM

seems to me that the reason my guesses differ over time is that in the time between the two guesses, i've learned things. maybe i've learned something about the subject i'm supposed to be guessing at, but probably not; or maybe i've remembered something about the topic which i didn't remember initially; or if this is a test with multiple questions, i've learned something about the way the questioner asks questions (which might give me a clue as to the answer); or i've learned something about how i guess; or i've had a chance to wake up, or get over a distraction, or become distracted, or to learn to trust my instincts, etc..

the answer's changing because the system which generates the answers is changing.

Posted by: cleek | August 13, 2008 8:22 AM

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